Chapter 1 of 5

Rethinking Political Power

To maximize women’s political voices and influence in their full diversity, it is necessary to rethink our definition and measures of political power.

Nevada Story

Nevada made history in 2018 by becoming the first state with a majority-woman legislature in the United States. As of November 2023, women hold 60.3% of seats in the Nevada state legislature. In addition, women are two-thirds of Nevada’s congressional delegation — including both U.S. senators. Gender parity in political representation, at least at these levels, has moved from aspiration to expectation in Nevada. As political operative Megan Jones explained about the majority-woman state legislature, “We do feel a tremendous amount of responsibility to keep it.”

Nevada made history in 2018 by becoming the first state with a majority-woman legislature in the United States. As of November 2023, women hold 60.3% of seats in the Nevada state legislature. In addition, women are two-thirds of Nevada’s congressional delegation — including both U.S. senators. Gender parity in political representation, at least at these levels, has moved from aspiration to expectation in Nevada. As political operative Megan Jones explained about the majority-woman state legislature, “We do feel a tremendous amount of responsibility to keep it.”

Focusing on this achievement can mask disparities that persist. For example, in a state where population growth is largest among Asian and Latina/o populations, women within those groups remain underrepresented among Nevada’s elective officeholders. Almost all women elected to state legislative (76%) and federal (100%) office from Nevada are Democrats.

Moreover, gender parity in representation does not equate parity in political power, within or across groups of women. First, Nevada’s state legislature is not the most powerful political body in the state, though its budgetary authority is a significant source of influence. The legislature meets for only 120 days every two years, limiting its capacity. This places greater power in the state’s executive branch, which implements the law. No woman has served as governor of Nevada and no women currently hold statewide elective executive office in the state.

State legislative power is not only eclipsed by the state executive. Nearly all Nevada political insiders we interviewed noted how the political power of an individual member of the Clark County Commission, the seven-member legislative body that controls Nevada’s most populous and prosperous county, is at least equal to if not greater than the power of a state legislator. Each commissioner represents a constituency about four times the size of a member of the state assembly, and the commission’s budget – drawn largely from the tax revenue on the Las Vegas strip –  is a major source of its political power. Despite women holding over half of the commission seats as recently as 2017, just one woman – former state Assembly Speaker Marilyn Kirkpatrick (D) – serves on the powerful Clark County Commission today.

While term limits have created opportunities to increase women’s state legislative representation, they have also reduced the power and influence of legislators. In the face of legislator turnover, lobbyists leverage key resources – including institutional knowledge, networks, and influence on campaign spending – to build and retain political power. And while women do not appear to be as glaringly underrepresented among lobbyists in Nevada as they are in other states,[1] multiple insiders cited persistent gender and racial disparities in both presence and influence among this class of political power players. Related to and represented by these players are the state’s major industry leaders, who also hold considerable power in Nevada’s political ecosystem. Here Nevada offers another paradox. While men have long been at the helm of gaming and resort companies – managing the state’s most lucrative industries – women, and more specifically women of color, make up the majority of workers who ensure these industries run. Women of color also lead the state’s largest unions, including the Culinary Workers Union (CWU) and the Service Employees International Union (SEIU), both of whom significantly influence public policy at the local and state level, reminding us that political power for women in Nevada must also be measured outside of elective offices. That includes power among political operatives, including prominent women – mostly white – who have helped to build and maintain “the Reid Machine.” The late Senator Harry Reid’s (D) power came from building a robust state organization to support candidates, including generating and controlling the allocation of financial resources and organizing stakeholders to successfully wage coordinated campaigns. State Senator Rochelle Nguyen (D) told us, “Behind the great Harry Reid were a bunch of really powerful women doing the work and…building those relationships and figuring out what was going to resonate with…women voters here in our state.” Some of those unelected women – such as former Senator Reid’s chief strategist Rebecca Lambe – remain influential to this day, upholding a machine whose namesake has passed.

Finally, women who do hold elective office, including in Nevada’s majority-woman state legislature, still navigate institutions long dominated by white men. State Assemblywoman Selena Torres (D), a legislator who entered the assembly at age 23 and identifies as Latina, Pacific Islander, and white, reflected on her own experiences of sexual harassment at the state capitol as evidence that “there is this system of white male patriarchy in the legislature that permeates regardless of whether or not we’re the most diverse legislature.” She explained, “Even though I’m a legislator that should have all this power, I think that’s the public perception of it, sexual violence will always make the survivor feel powerless.” Torres is not alone in feeling disempowered in an institution touted for its inclusion of women. State Senator Dina Neal (D), one of three Black women currently in the Nevada senate, emphasized, “There’s racism in the legislature. There’s racism within the lobbying groups where they’re like, ‘I don’t like that legislation.’ And you’re like, ‘How is it different that [a white woman is] carrying it? Is it less threatening?’” Neal explained that as Black women, “We’re seen as it’s a threat to carry legislation that moves the needle for minority communities.” These biases often function as constraints on legislators, as Neal elaborated to us. Describing the pressure to adapt to the status quo, Neal said, “More often than not, I feel like they would like to crush my courage,” adding, “I don’t like having to negotiate what I believe…But there were so many moments that I would have went against the grain and I didn’t and I should have because I went home feeling bad that I didn’t.” Neal describes her rejection of this type of pressure today, but her experience and that of Assemblywoman Torres illustrate important hurdles to exercising political power – especially in safe, autonomous, and authentic ways – even when women win elective office.

[1] An initial assessment of publicly available lobbyist lists in 2021, women appear to be 41.5% of legislative lobbyists in Nevada.

Read The Story
  • Defining Political Power

    Defining political power in ways that focus on influence and outcomes, instead of on titles and positions, expands the sites for identifying and increasing women’s political power.

  • Influential Sites of Political Power

    State and federal elective offices are important sites for increasing women’s political power. But assessing women’s political power in a state requires examining sites for political power and influence beyond state and federal elective offices. Each state’s political ecosystem varies in the most influential sites of elective political power.

  • Alternative Sites for Political Power

    Assessing women’s political power in a state or locality requires examining sites for political power and influence beyond elective offices. Each state’s political ecosystem varies in some of these alternative and influential sites of political power.

  • Distinguishing Representation and Power

    Achieving gender parity in women’s representation does not necessarily equate to gender parity in women’s political power.

  • Prescriptions for Rethinking Political Power


Defining Political Power

Defining political power in ways that focus on influence and outcomes, instead of on titles and positions, expands the sites for identifying and increasing women’s political power.

While it is common to use positionality as a proxy for political power, more specific measures of political power distinguish between holding a title and having the capacity to shape outcomes.

Experts and insiders that we interviewed offered multiple criteria for what it means to hold political power:

[Power is] the ability to check off items on your political agenda.”

Nsé Ufot (np-ga)

Former Chief Executive Officer of the New Georgia Project

You have to be in the room where the decisions are made.”

Eva Pusateri (r-il)

Former President of The Lincoln Series

We’re always fighting to have that voice at the table, and some are more successful than others. [Interview conducted in May 2022.]”

Sue Rezin (r-il)

State Senator

I believe political power lies in the voices that people listen to.”

Michelle Maese (np-nv)

President of SEIU Nevada Local 1107

Power is having something that someone else wants and that you have the ability to either give or hold back. …In the political realm it’s usually resources, its voting blocs, its networks, access to other resources, or other votes.”

Tricia Mueller (d-pa)

Democratic Political Consultant

[Money] translates to access and, you know, not saying, oh, this is going to change the way that that person votes, but I could get in the room to tell them. And if you can’t even get your voice heard or your issue heard then there’s no influence.”

Tiffany Elking (np-il)

Bipartisan Political Consultant and Board Chair of The Women’s PAC

I believe that if you have the power to get stakeholders together of all walks of life and collaborate to start getting in touch with your decision-makers…[this is] the most meaningful, the most effective, and the most powerful, [more] than even having the sort of office I held before.”

Evelyn Sanguinetti (r-il)

Former Lieutenant Governor

I think in navigating the political space, I felt really strongly about bringing my whole self into the arena. …I like wearing red lipstick and hoop earrings, I just do. It’s who I am. And it was really important to me that I [did] not lose those symbols of who I am in the space. I wasn’t going to not talk in Spanish with my grandmother when I caught her [on the phone] and I was walking through the senate building. That’s just who I am and [I’m] modeling that for other women who may be interested in being in office. I hope it gave some sort of space for folks to feel like they didn’t have to change who they were to be in the public arena.”

Yvanna Cancela (d-nv)

Former State Senator

Influential Sites of Political Power

State and federal elective offices are important sites for increasing women’s political power. But assessing women’s political power in a state requires examining sites for political power and influence beyond state and federal elective offices. Each state’s political ecosystem varies in the most influential sites of elective political power.

It is in comparing potential sites for power, focusing more on influence and outcomes than titles, that we can best identify opportunities for intervention to increase women’s political power in states. In our interviews with political leaders, we asked where they felt the most political power resides in their states. Answers varied by state, reflective of the differences in how powers and responsibilities are allocated within states, as well as among respondents in any single state, often reflective of the sites they have chosen for political engagement. The most common responses were those that rejected the idea that political power is concentrated in any one position or person in a state’s political ecosystem.

Still, political insiders we interviewed, many of whom serve in state-level elective offices, identified state legislative and executive offices as important sites for political power. Nationally, women remain underrepresented at these levels of office, while women’s representation in state legislatures and statewide elective executive offices varies significantly by state — including the states we studied for this project. Both nationally and within our case states, women are better represented among Democratic than Republican state legislators. And the representativeness of state-level women officeholders also varies by race/ethnicity within and across states. These disparities matter when considering the power and influence of these officeholders.

Our interview subjects outlined specific sources of political power and influence for state legislative and executive officeholders.

I think being in elective office definitely gives you a position of influence, policy influence…clearly you have a vote.”

Angela Monson (d-ok)

Former State Senator

Being in a minority party makes it harder…but I always say you have the bully pulpit, you have the podium. You can always use your words. And it matters. So whether you are in a minority or majority, words do matter. You have the ability to convene the media. You have the ability to go out and speak to groups of people.”

Angela Monson (d-ok)

Former State Senator

You need the decision-makers to include women without a doubt. That is the whole keg. It’s not just to be in the body. It’s not to be freshmen. It’s to be in leadership.”

Barbara Buckley (d-nv)

Former State Assembly Speaker

When the budget negotiation happens, it’s the governor and the legislative leaders that are negotiating it. So there’s a lot of power resting in what we’d normally refer to as the five parties — the governor and then the legislative leaders in the House and Senate from both parties.”

Ray Zaborney (r-pa)

Republican Political Consultant

I will say I do think the most important [thing] is electing more women into office at all levels because the influence that I wield now I don’t have if I’m not a former elected official. So the only way to have more former elected officials that can speak their mind and hold positions and have that influence on the outside is to have the women on the inside. …It’s very much one comes before the other. …So I really do think the priority continues to be to increase [women’s] elected representation at all levels.”

AJ Griffin (r-ok)

Former State Senator

The power of elected officials varies by level of office, but not in uniform ways nationwide. The strength of governors, influence of state legislatures, and power of local and municipal officeholders – for example – differ across state political ecosystems.

Moreover, political power is not limited to those serving in state or federal offices. Political actors in each of our states emphasized the importance of increasing women’s political representation in county, municipal, and judicial offices. Data on local officeholders by gender and race/ethnicity is limited, but we know that women are underrepresented among municipal officeholders nationwide and within our case states.

Data on local officeholders by gender and race/ethnicity is limited, but we know that women are underrepresented among municipal officeholders nationwide and within our case states.

Our interview subjects elaborated on why this underrepresentation matters and outlined power sources and opportunities at these levels of elective office.

I think that our municipal and county positions are huge centers of actual change that happens and policy and implementation, where the boots meet the ground. And I think there’s a lot of potential and capacity for a lot of positive change to occur at those levels.”

Chelsey Branham (d-ok)

Former State Representative

The biggest source of power that I see is with the Clark County Commission quite frankly. I think they have even more power and certainly more money than the state. And they fund almost everything that we’re talking about and then some. …They’re able to lobby and direct the way in which legislative efforts are made at the state level…because they fund so many things. They have an enormous amount of influence and power.”

Karen P. Bennett-Haron (np-nv)

Justice of the Peace

Aldermen have a giant microphone, a giant platform of legitimacy where if you go out and you say something needs to happen, a lot of people are listening to you whether you can make that decision or not. …What you say changes the dialogue which then changes the culture.”

Vicko Alvarez (d-il)

Former Chief of Staff to Chicago City Councilmember Rossana Rodríguez

If we want a Latina congresswoman from Georgia, a lot of the preparation of being in the public space comes at the local levels.”

Jerry Gonzalez (np-ga)

Executive Director of Georgia Association of Latino Elected Officials

The political power center right now is actually our court because [on] almost every major piece of policy, somebody sues us and we end up defending it in court. [Interview conducted in March 2023.]”

Bryan Cutler (r-pa)

State House Minority Leader

Alternative Sites for Political Power

Assessing women’s political power in a state or locality requires examining sites for political power and influence beyond elective offices. Each state’s political ecosystem varies in some of these alternative and influential sites of political power.

While representation in elected offices is often used as a proxy measure for political power, in-depth investigation into state political ecosystems makes clear that political power is held by many individuals, groups, and organizations whose names are never on electoral ballots. Some of these sites for political power are purposefully obscured to the broader public to preserve belief in our representative democracy, one which is accountable to voters. Others are more obvious to those directly engaged in political institutions but missed by those individuals whose awareness of and engagement with politics and government centers on political principals.

“Political influence is not always elected. It’s not always front and center.”

La’Tasha Mayes (D-PA)
State Representative

Many of the gender and racial/ethnic disparities in representation evident among elective officeholders persist in these unelected roles. Political insiders in some states cited progress for women’s leadership among staff, campaign practitioners, and lobbyists. But many interview subjects also called for additional representational gains for women in these roles, especially among those at the highest levels of unelected leadership and power. For example, our review of publicly-reported data on state legislative lobbyists reveals both progress and potential for growth. We found that, in 2017, women were 40% or less of registered lobbyists in state legislatures in Georgia (36%), Illinois (33%), Nevada (40%), Oklahoma (30%), and Pennsylvania (35%). By 2022, women’s representation as lobbyists increased in all states – Georgia (40%), Illinois (36%), Nevada (45%), Oklahoma (34%), and Pennsylvania (37%) – but still fell short of parity with men. Interview subjects in each of our states were quick to highlight the leadership of women – and Asian, Black, Latina, and Native more specifically – in grassroots activism. While difficult to quantify, they left little doubt that women of color, as they have done historically, are on the front lines of policy advocacy and voter mobilization.

Explicit accounting of these myriad sites for power within state political ecosystems is an important first step to evaluating differences in who has access to, obtains, and exercises political power in any state or locality along gender, race, and party lines. Moreover, combining more comprehensive measures of political power with more expansive siting of that power across political institutions creates opportunities for interventions to increase women’s political power that have received too little attention and activity to date.

The reality is the people behind the scenes, the staff who are doing the work – the staff who are making the decisions as to where the money goes [and] who gets the contract – those are the people that have more influence.”

Heather Wier Vaught (d-il)

Democratic Lobbyist and Consultant and Former Chief Counsel to Speaker Michael Madigan

It’s not that all the power lies with lobbyists. But I think that their influence has increased because you see a whole lot of folks coming in because of term limits. You see these large freshman classes in our legislative bodies and they are always looking for information, they are looking for guidance. They are looking to really hit the ground running because they know that they have a limited time in the body. And so I think that lobbyists who have been around for decades are a natural place for them to go and to lean on. And when you make those friendships, those relationships, you’re of course more likely to let that person have influence on your policymaking decisions.”

Emily Virgin (d-ok)

Former State House Minority Leader

I thoroughly understand now the power of the executive branch. And it is powerful. And so to have this appointment I feel so privileged and honored and humbled because there is a lot that I get to do. …We are doing all of those things to have the experience of implementation of budgets, programs, and the legislation be what it was intended to be, right? …And inside of that there’s a lot of discretion…and depending on who you are, what your values are, it can go one way or it can go the other.”

Sol Flores (d-il)

Former Deputy Governor

We have three or four serious consultants that get every Republican elected and you have to use one of them. …This is not a state where you can run for an office like that and win without one of them. And the Democrat Party I’m sure has the same.”

Leslie Osborn (r-ok)

Commissioner of Labor

We need to see more women in the campaign arena as well, not just as the ones running for office but as those helping and leading the ones running for office.”

Christina Nowinski Wurst (d-il)

Co-Executive Director of Illinois Women’s Institute for Leadership Training Academy

Well, you have the same power players behind the legislators. And I know that’s been one concern and complaint that a lot of people have had is that they wish we had a bigger pool of consultants to choose from when it comes time to run and to have representation because there’s been a monopoly, really. So you know, as much as I hate to say it, those are the people who kind of pull the strings.”

Amy Tarkanian (r-nv)

Former Chair of the Nevada Republican Party

Money speaks. While hard work is clearly important, contributing financially to candidates can provide greater access and opportunity to have a “seat at the table.” It is potentially a more direct route to influencing policy decisions.”

Leslie Anne Miller (d-pa)

Attorney, Democratic Fundraiser, and Community Activist

The contract lobbyists…wield an extraordinary amount of power through their access to money because they make the recommendations to their clients [on] how much to give and to whom. So the absence of women in that space might make a difference.”

Kelly Cassidy (d-il)

State Representative

I do think that a lot of the power right now lays in the grassroots, the union organizations like United Working Families, for example, organizations like Mijente, those organizations that have been doing the organizing work for a very, very long time. …They have the power because they have the hands; they have the people that can go knock on doors.”

Rossana Rodríguez (d-il)

Chicago City Councilmember

Really, what you’re seeing is power is flowing to donors. …Less of a county [party] organization, less of a state [party] organization, and more of those sorts of organizations [where] you’ve got big donors and then you’ve got the campaign committees on each side.”

Ray Zaborney (r-pa)

Republican Political Consultant

[Political insiders] are pointing to grassroots power [as where power lies now] because the [Illinois] Democratic machine has been crumbling, right? [Former Speaker] Madigan has been indicted [and he] was the…embodiment of power in the Democratic Party, the person that would give away the money to the rest of the candidates. Big Mell, you know, the Mells were super important in Illinois Democratic politics. They’re out. So in the absence of that machine, [which] was a very oiled machine that depended on all of these families that were given jobs and then knock on doors – a lot of those people live in the suburbs now, what’s left? Grassroots is what is left. And so you had us all – all of our IPOs [independent political organizations] were going to knock doors for Delia [Ramirez] for Congress and Delia won in a landslide.”

Rossana Rodríguez (d-il)

Chicago City Councilmember

Power is people.”

Adelina Nicholls (np-ga)

Executive Director of the Georgia Latino Alliance for Human Rights

I look at how Black and brown and marginalized voters have begun to lean into their power and to fight back. …Whether that is through direct action, whether that is through advocacy…through voting.”

Fenika Miller (np-ga)

Deputy National Field Director for Black Voters Matter

At least in Democratic politics, Harry Reid has had a hold on the state for quite some time and will likely do so even through his death.”

Dallas Harris (d-nv)

State Senator

[Being a former staffer] definitely gave me an understanding of who the players were and how to interact with them…it frankly makes me a much better legislator. I fully understand the connection between constituent service and policymaking. …Working in a staff role demystifies the thing that we all do to ourselves as women which is, ‘Oh, I’m not ready.’ When you realize just how much of a mess half the people there are, it makes it a little easier to feel like you can do it.”

Kelly Cassidy (d-il)

State Representative

And particularly it’s the women – myself, Morgan Cephas, Rep. Mary Isaacson – we were all former staffers to other elected officials. It’s a great training ground to prepare for running for office if that’s what you want. But it’s also a great space to make some significant influence or have significant influence over the decisions that are made because you inform all those decisions.”

Donna Bullock (d-pa)

State Representative

[Campaign professionals] then run for office because they know how to activate the levers of power, or they know how to run a campaign; they know how to take advantage of an opportunity.”

Jen Jordan (d-ga)

Former State Senator

Distinguishing Representation and Power

Achieving gender parity in women’s representation does not necessarily equate to gender parity in women’s political power.

Research demonstrates the myriad ways in which increasing women’s political representation, particularly in elective office, matters both symbolically and substantively. These studies confirm a relationship between representation and power but are often limited in the extent to which they interrogate complexities in both measures of political power and axes of difference among women — in representational identities, goals, and opportunities. Redefining political power in a more expansive way requires reassessing its relationship with the numeric representation within and across political institutions.  

So I think on a positive side, we have access to the table now. But again…we’re not being allowed to be in a position where we’re making the decisions for election cycles or the policy agenda and stuff like that. And we’re still being second guessed. [Interview conducted in May 2022.]”

Morgan Cephas (d-pa)

State Representative

I think some of the effects [of women’s representation] that I see have been muted by the fact that leadership is still male, both the House speaker and the Senate president have continued to be men. And I think that if there were women in those roles, I think the impact would be greater. [Interview conducted in March 2022.]”

Elaine Nekritz (d-il)

Lobbyist and Former State Representative

You didn’t see that change [in the legislative conversation] happen immediately [when we had a female majority]. I think you saw it happen going into the next session when those people were now in leadership roles – from being…male-dominated chairs of committees to female-dominated chairs of committees – and that changed the conversation.”

Rochelle Nguyen (d-nv)

State Senator

I believe [power is held in] elected positions because that’s where you can affect change. And right now, with [Democrats] being in such a superminority, you can yell all you want but it doesn’t affect the vote on the floor, and the vote on the floor is what makes it into a law. [Interview conducted in November 2021.]”

Alicia Andrews (d-ok)

Chair of the Oklahoma Democratic Party

When [institutions] have been male-dominated for so long that the culture becomes that as well. …I see [my newly-elected male colleagues] quickly make friends all the way up to the speaker of the House and other folks because they are a part of that old boys’ network and I’m like, ‘You just got here. You just got here and everybody knows your name. But there’s only nine of us [Black women members] and they can’t get our names right,’ so that’s been a thing for me. [Interview conducted in April 2022.]”

Donna Bullock (d-pa)

State Representative

You know, sometimes we celebrate getting there because it’s so important to be there, right? But when you get there and when you’re in that space it can really cause you to shrink if you don’t have the development that you need. You can shrink. … And that is what oppression seeks to do. It seeks to wear you down.”

Fenika Miller (np-ga)

Deputy National Field Director for Black Voters Matter

We got a lot of attention here in Nevada for having a majority-women legislature and I think that we need to go a little bit deeper there as well because…it’s not that influential to have a bunch of women in power if they are going to align themselves with patriarchy, and they are going to align themselves with status quo, and they are going to align themselves with mass incarceration and all of the things that are consistently impacting our community. So I don’t necessarily consider that power. What I consider to be a power is having people who are in alignment with the community and positioned with power.”

Leslie Turner (d-nv)

Co-Director of the Mass Liberation Project Nevada

There are value sets in politics…that are promoted particularly with the guys…[of] loyalty and staying in line and pulling for the team. …I think that the idea of having women in that space becomes a question mark, right, in the sense of, ‘Is she going to be overly emotional and [is she] going to be uncontrollable?’”

Tricia Mueller (d-pa)

Democratic Political Consultant

[Backing women candidates] was about consolidating power. [Former Speaker Madigan] saw opportunity in the suburbs and took advantage of it, but [he] was certainly not there to empower them. In fact, it was very much the opposite of that. He saw them as more easily controlled.”

Kelly Cassidy (d-il)

State Representative

So many times what I’ve seen is, well this person was an advocate and a champion and their community loved them and they did so many great things as a community organizer or whatnot. And they get to the Capitol and they’re just D.O.A. because none of that stuff is going to work inside the building. And then those people who were getting at least part of what they needed from outside the building don’t have that voice there anymore. They have somebody who’s very stifled and upset and frustrated inside the building and I don’t know how much good that really does.”

Merleyn Bell (d-ok)

Former State Representative

Prescriptions for Rethinking Political Power

Be intentional about identifying and leveraging opportunities to increase women’s political power across state political ecosystems, aligning specific goals with appropriate strategies and sites for intervention.

Intentionality is a recurring theme in this research and a necessary element of the work to increase women’s political power. For our interview subjects, intentionality includes: targeted recruitment and training of women for politically powerful roles, with particular expansion to judicial positions and unelected roles that are less often sites for targeted recruitment and professional development, as well as attentiveness to sites where power sits primarily with men and adopting strategies to address that power imbalance. For those already in positions of authority and influence, simply calling out the imbalance of power and asking those who can remedy it for specific plans of action can go a long way to setting new expectations and creating opportunities for increasing women’s political power.

Do not treat women representatives – elected or unelected – as interchangeable.

Multiple interview subjects were quick to warn against promoting women’s political success on the basis of gender alone. They emphasized the importance of increasing the political representation and power of women with whom they shared values and, relatedly, concrete policy positions and priorities, which vary by party and ideology. They warned that increasing representation of certain groups of women does not ensure more power for all women; race/ethnicity, class, age, and professional background are just some axes of diversity that complicate the relationship between numbers and outcomes for women in politics. Beyond differences in identity, ideology, and values, political actors also pointed to character-based criteria for ensuring that women’s political representation can substantively enhance women’s political power. They called for women who are both willing and capable to challenge existing power systems to embrace and execute their own power, women who – according to multiple interview subjects – are “able to weather the storm,” “willing to go out on a limb,” “aren’t going to take shit off anybody,” and “turn over some tables.”

Prepare women to not only acquire power but also to use it effectively.

As described in chapter three, much of the existing support infrastructure for women in politics is focused on training women to seek and win elective office. But this only scratches the surface of women’s power potential. Raising awareness and understanding with women of their capacity to access and exercise power in myriad political roles is necessary in a more comprehensive effort to increase women’s political power. Additionally, interview subjects, including elected women, emphasized the need to expand training to better prepare women for how to use power effectively – in elected or unelected roles – within political institutions that remain male and white dominated. And this type of education and information should be available for women once they are in politically powerful roles, recognizing that the landscapes on which power is allocated and exercised are always changing. Multiple interview subjects described this type of support as “setting women up for success” and not assuming that empowerment work ends with women earning a specific title.

Support women in ways that allow them to preserve autonomy and authenticity in positions of political power.

Power in any role is an illusion if keeping that position requires ceding autonomy. But political institutions are replete with complexity and demands for compromise in moving from goals to outcomes. Throughout this process, those most vulnerable to ceding autonomy and authenticity are those whose preservation of power is dependent on those who prioritize loyalty over inclusion. Removing that dependence includes establishing alternative sites for resources – money, votes, and vocal and coordinated support – that women leaders can rely on when they stand up against the status quo. Creating more inclusive, accessible, and robust support infrastructures alternative to those who seek to constrain political women’s autonomy is part of the larger project of increasing women’s political power within and across states (see chapter three). These supports might also address the exhaustion that comes with fighting for equal access to the levers of power expected to come with holding elective office.

Expand the definition and measures of political power in data collection, research/analysis, and practitioner interventions for increasing women’s political power.

This report includes myriad indicators of power and an expanded list of sites where political power lies, each of which can be used to guide future research and interventions that move beyond using the percentage of women in office as a sole measure of women’s political power.

Political actors we interviewed across states identified key sites for political power that should guide this work:

  • Appointed positions on public boards and commissions at local and statewide levels
  • Individuals in both appointed and high-level staff positions at state agencies and/or regulatory authorities
  • Legislative staff
  • Campaign and party staff and operatives
  • Political consultants
  • Registered lobbyists
  • Individual donors
  • Major industries, including their political action committees
  • Tribal governments and tribal community and industry 
  • Voters
  • Grassroots advocates/activists
  • Unions
  • Civic institutions, including schools, churches, think tanks, non-profit organizations, and community foundations
  • Political parties, including party organizations, party campaign committees, and elected party leaders
  • Critical actors who have significant, and often quite individualized, power in shaping political climates and outcomes. These actors almost always come from one or more of the groups listed above, especially elected officials (both current and former), party leaders, and donors.